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Q: WHY DOES THE FILM
FOCUS ON THE MOTHERS AND NOT THE FATHERS?
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The impact of a mother's arrest and imprisonment on a family is often
more disruptive than that of a father's arrest and incarceration.
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Nearly two-thirds
of incarcerated mothers were the primary caregivers to her children,
while, by contrast, only half of incarcerated fathers were living
with their youngest child before their arrests; and most of their
children (nearly 90%) continued to live with their mothers after his
incarceration. Therefore, while children usually remain with their
mother during the incarceration of their father, children of incarcerated
mothers are much more likely to experience a change in their primary
caregiver.
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In addition,
only 17% of children reside with their fathers.
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Many children,
following their mother's arrest, end up living informally in legally
ambiguous circumstances with friends, neighbors, or relatives who
lack any legal authority for their medical care or school enrollments.
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Q. WHAT ALTERNATIVES TO PRISON ARE AVAILABLE FOR OFFICIAL CONSIDERATION?
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There are several specific recommendations which can be accomplished
with a minimum of expense, and can often save the state money. A process
can be established between local communities, child welfare agencies,
police, and correctional personnel to provide for early intervention
in the lives of children whose moms have been arrested.
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An imprisoned
mother can be placed at the institution closest to her children, and
visitation and on-going contact with her children can be a priority
in the correctional facility and with social workers involved with
the child's extended family.
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Eighty
percent of female felons are non-violent offenders. Alternative sentences
such a medical rehabilitation, work-release programs, and establishment
of drug courts are cost-effective ways of holding a non-violent female
felon responsible for her crime, yet keeping her more available for
her children.
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Q. HOW
WILL TODAY'S INCARCERATED MOTHERS BE PREPARED TO CARE FOR THE NEXT
GENERATION OF CHILDREN?
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Routinely, these children fall through the cracks, so the prognosis
is not good. Research findings about the children of incarcerated
mothers are based primarily on small-scale studies or on surveys of
prisoners who tend to want to protect their children from being reported
in beauracratic or legalistic terms they do not trust.
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The lack
of research and official information means that government programs
do not target these children and their caregivers in order to design
and deliver needed services. These children are at high risk for a
number of negative behaviours that can lead to school failure, drug
abuse, and intergenerational incarcerations.
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Over 60%
of mothers in prsion are incarcerated more than 100 miles from their
children, making visitation difficult, finanacially prohibitive, and
often impossible. Police do not regularly ask mothers, at the time
of arrest, whether they have dependent children, nor do sentencing
judges or correctional agencies raise this question. Since no agency
gathers data about the inmates' children, "...it is unclear how many
are affected, who they are, or where they live." 50% of children with
inmate mothers never visit their mothers behind bars. The single biggest
reason for this lack of contact is the children's distance from their
mothers' prions, located far from urban centers where most of the
children reside. Without proper community support, children of prisoners
suffer multiple behavioral problems which lead to truancy, early pregnancy,
drug abuse, and juvenile delinquency. The Child Welfare League of
America concludes that "the true scope of the problem is uncertain
because few reliable statistics exist."
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Q. HOW
SUCCESSFUL CAN DRUG TREATMENT PROGRAMS REALLY BE FOR HABITUAL FELONS?
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The new
conventional wisdom says non-violent, drugaddicted felons should
be going through treatment and probation rather than jail (or in exchange
for a lighter sentence) with the promise of a better outcome. It's
the latest salvo in America's other war -- the one on drugs -- which
many would acknowledge we've been losing for years.
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Consider:
The federal government spends about two-thirds of its $19.2 billion
drug budget on law enforcement and interdiction. A result has been
a skyrocketing prison population -- it has tripled in the last two
decades -- with at least 60 percent of inmates reporting a history
of substance abuse.
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The cost
of warehousing nonviolent drug offenders is more than twice as great
as treating them.
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For every
dollar spent on treatment, taxpayers save more than seven in other
services, largely through reduced crime and medical fees and increased
productivity. A visit to the emergency room, for instance, costs as
much as a month in rehab, and more than 70,000 heroin addicts are
admitted to E.R.'s annually.
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As the
call to treat drug offenders grows -- an ABC News poll showed that
more than two-thirds of Americans favor treatment over jail for first-
and second-time offenses -- one of the thorniest questions will be
how to define success.
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Drug use,
of course, is not the same as addiction. The former is clearly a choice.
But over the last decade, scientists have begun to see the latter
as something else: a chronic, relapsing brain disease. At some point
(when, precisely, is unclear) the neurochemistry and receptor sites
of a user's brain change radically, causing drug-seeking to become
as biologically driven as hunger, sex or breathing. Long after the
addict quits, some of those brain changes remain, creating a vulnerability
to relapse. The implications for the criminal-justice system are profound,
reinforcing the need for treatment: it would be ineffective, not to
mention inhumane, simply to punish someone for an illness without
helping to heal him.
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According
to a study of more than 10,000 addicts in 96 programs, the single
most important factor (assuming a program is well run) is the length
of time an addict stays in it. And 90 days -- not the managed-care-driven
28 or the brief 3-to-5-day detox that is the most common ''treatment''
in many cities -- was the minimum for enduring benefits to manifest.
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If treatment
is conceived of as an ongoing process rather than as a cure, a different,
more optimistic notion of success emerges. Although addicts may relapse,
a year after treatment their drug use decreases by 50 percent, according
to the National Treatment Improvement Evaluation Study, and their
illegal activity drops as much as 80 percent. They are also less likely
than before to engage in high-risk sexual behavior or to require emergency
room care. Other studies have shown that they are less likely to be
on welfare, and that their mental health improves.
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''You don't
let a schizophrenic out of case management,'' argues the University
of Pennsylvania's Thomas McLellan. ''Your expectation is that there
will be a relapse if they leave. Good practice would be to continue
to monitor and support that person to see early signs of intensification.
At that point you intensify treatment not to 'cure' but allow them
to remain in a state that maintains them and doesn't have an impact
on society.''
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Q: HOW
CAN I LEARN MORE AND BECOME MORE INVOLVED IN HELPING CHILDREN OF INCARCERATED
PARENTS?
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To learn more about service providers and advocates assisting children
with inmate parents, visit the Resource Center's website and to become
involved in collaborative community planning efforts across the country,
contact www.childrenofprisoners.org.
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